Beyond mere political requirement and commitment, a person might argue that, under the assumption of being a “wealthy nation,” it is morally obligatory for the United States to assist neighboring or foreign nations in improving the standard of living of their citizens. The position of this paper will be that there is no “beyond” or “outside” political obligation when we speak in reference to a nation’s obligations. More specifically, moral obligations, when we speak in terms of human ethics, I will argue, only apply to human beings who bear what we might call “moral agency.” The argument will carry the implication that “moral agency,” if applied to nations, abuses the semantic wealth of moral language as a means for expressing blame or praise of a moral agent. I will draw upon Immanuel Kant’s concept of “autonomous will” found in his Foundations for the Metaphysics of Morals to support my argument that “moral agency” only applies to human beings. I will further draw upon John Stuart Mill’s “greatest happiness principle” as a minor refutation of my own argument, but I will show that it does not satisfactorily refute my argument because of what will be discussed as regards “moral agency.” During my discussions of Mill and Kant, I will provide a brief summary pertaining to how their ideas interact with my own on the topic of moral obligations of wealthy nations.
When I assign moral agency to any one thing (especially an aggregate of entities; i.e. nations) that assignment or attribution presupposes that I wish to speak persuasively, employing moral language as my means, about the nature of that moral agent and of where blame or praise lie. First, we must ask What definition of morality am I working with? Morality here is being defined as the principle of what ought to be done by a moral agent should that moral agent have a properly established placement of values. This should sufficiently links the two common notions of morality as being either a system of “ought claims on the behavior” or “value-judgments on the behavior.”
What exactly is a moral agent? One might argue that ambiguity stirs because a nation can have values, in a general albeit misleading sense. My definition stated above seems to open the floodgates to a slew of ought-claims based on arbitrary values. Clearly, something else is required for morality. For example, the United States commits itself, problematically so for some public figures, to abstaining from and denouncing as morally reprehensible the use of torture. This shows a statement of value, and what is suggested by that value is a corresponding ought—that we ought to prevent torture where we see it, that we ought not to utilize torture for whatever reason, etc. These ought claims carry implicitly the value held of human life; if you cherish human life, you ought not to commit atrocities against it.
Let us get back to moral agency. In principle, to who is a moral agent accountable and responsible? Can a moral agent answer to itself? To illustrate, suppose you read in the newspaper of a new, experimental jury selection method, “a sufficiently evidenced serial killer is to be entrusted as the sole member of her own jury.” To sharpen what is being denoted here, let us view a jury proper: it is a concatenation of people with negligibly dissimilar values, which echo, by means of a jury room calculus, a unified, resultant value, a judgment. Now suppose in a different newspaper, you notice a trend: “enlisted in a jury were a significant number of repeat misdemeanor offenders.” The similar psychological penchant of jury and defendant is a major concern for most of us; we intuitively bear that feeling of birds of like feathers flocking together. Now in terms of wealthy nations, the arbiter of moral requirements would be that nation’s own population, its own jury. Praise would be given unto itself, whereas in daily living your peers, family, community and so on praise this way or blame that way by employing moral language ( “praise” and “blame”), expressing moral opinion.
You might intuitively feel hesitant to trust such novel methods of seeking justice. That hesitation has certain implications which are relevant to my argument. In terms of Immanuel Kant’s notion of autonomous will, we see exactly why one cannot be one’s own jury. A jury involves multiple persons who bear distinguishable values. The autonomous will, however, gains moral import by dutifully following self-imposed and universalized maxims based on one’s own subjective experiences combined with their rationality. The importance here is the notion of the subjective. When we speak of subjectivity of mind, we speak of human subjectivity and human mind. It would be unintelligible to speak of the “subjective” of a nation. How might an entire nation instantiate a categorical imperative and follow it dutifully?
Even if a nation were to possess “autonomous will,” it could not possess it in any likeness but of sharing the name when compared to its atomic constituents, its citizens, human beings. That being most basic and atomic to a nation is not the definition of moral agency, but in the sense in which the words “autonomy” and “will” are used to apply to persons, these words cannot possess the same semantic preoccupations. From here, we see that distinction between moral agency of persons and moral agency of nations; further, clarification of terms shows the latter notion does not carry clear meaning. This lack of meaning further shows that speaking in terms of moral obligation of nations does not carry any meaningful moral weight because the semantic preoccupation of moral agency only applies to human beings.
Two counterarguments might be raised. First, only as a constituent of a wealthy nation can one raise this argument, and, adding to that, it comes off as markedly relativistic. My interpretation of this argument is that I am claiming constituents cannot argue about moral requirements from within. The strength of the argument, however, is not that being one’s own jury or playing a significant role in one’s own jury is reflexive reasoning, a reflection of value to oneself—something easily perceivable as circular. Even if it is, the point of the argument is the semantic identity of “morality” and “agency” becomes abused. By semantic identity, I mean the identification of moral concerns as chiefly arising between people. We simply cannot talk about “moral agency” or “moral requirements” of a nation. However, we can still see to assisting every world-inhabitant, persons foreign or native, as strictly politically and economically within our purview. We can speak sensibly of helping these impoverished peoples, insofar as a nation’s obligation, whatever that obligation might entail, in terms of a nation’s language, which is not moral language.
The second argument is the greatest happiness principle’s implication that a wealthy nation ought to concern itself with the net happiness of the world. But our arguments above displace the notion of moral obligation for nations, putting it back to where it belongs, in the sphere of human interaction where, furthermore, it is semantically and morally meaningful. There is no reason to suppose that pleasure cannot be obtained for whatever number simply because the intention of a nation is to attend to people as strictly political and economic constituents. The utilitarian calculus could add taxpayer dollars as a variable into the overall calculation; this would produce successive projections of future net happiness totals. Taxpayer dollars is an economic concern, not a moral one; that we should have values at all is not itself a variable in a calculus that we perceive ostensibly and use, nor should it be assumed that having values at all is a utilitarian concept.
Moral concerns pertain specifically to human-to-human interaction; when we speak of helping another, we do so in terms of human moral intuition, empathy, pity, etc. My arguments raised above are an attempt to preserve what gives human beings, i.e. moral agents, their moral identity in the first place, without letting non-rational entities such as nations commit violence to meaning in the sphere of morality. In effect, phrases like “a nation’s pity” and “a city’s intuitions” become patently senseless, and we should avoid them. When my fellows and I wish to help other human beings, near or far, we do so as a “collection.” We might give our collection a name or a label, but we are acting in agreement. That agreement we share does not imply our moral reasons, or even our moral intuitions, are necessarily the same. Therefore, we should not speak of or refer to the label we band under as possessing any moral characteristic that is particularly human.